Picture courtesy: http://thegallopingbeaver.blogspot.ca/2010/11/dream-of-high-speed-rail.html
Twinning Highway 63 to Ft. McMurray is a popular idea. Governments like to adopt popular ideas, as evidenced by today's provincial report on the future of Highway 63.
It's mandate seems narrow - how do we improve safety on the highway by changing the highway? If the mandate had been simply, how do we improve safety on the highway?, the best answer could have come to light - getting private vehicles off the highway by offering passenger rail service to Fort Mac.
This is a clear-headed report drafted by two engineers in 2011 that takes the right view of transportation problems in the area.
The engineers favour a multimodal transport model that involves the use of heavy passenger rail and/or high-speed rail to get passenger vehicles off the road.
Most noted fatal collisions, from what I've observed, involve at least one passenger vehicle. These are impatient oilpatch workers either rushing to get to site or rushing home to see family. They're not professional drivers like those driving the semis on the highway. The stress of being in a rush on a long, two-lane highway causes road rage, which leads to risky passing and speeding - and deadly collisions.
The report shows the benefits, in terms of costs to citizens, to the government and reductions in emissions, of taking private vehicles off the road using buses, rail and airplanes.
A multimodal system could transport workers to Ft. Mac or near to site, with connections by public transit or employer-sponsored buses. There is already a rail line to Ft. McMurray, which raises the possibility of starting rail service in the near future. Upgrading that railway or building a new line to offer high-speed service could follow. A large community surrounded by large employers is ideal for offering quality transit service.
Imagine a tired oilsands worker coming off a couple weeks on site having the choice of a train ride to Edmonton, on which he or she could sleep or watch movies on wi-fi. No worrying about thousands of other frustrated, tired drivers, and no worries about weather conditions.
Twinning 63 may solve volume problems and help reduce risky driving behavior. But they come with big price tags, not just up front. Maintaining essentially two highway that takes that much heavy truck traffic is extremely costly over the long term. It costs millions, if not billions in extra gas for everyone to drive themselves to site. It also produces way more greenhouse gasses than necessary.
Embracing rail could not only fix the traffic problem on 63, but also be a public relations coup for industry and the province, a sign that we're taking climate change seriously. We could have all this while reducing the overall costs to government and workers.
I'd like to see a study that considers all the options, including rail, in improving safety for oilsands workers and Ft. Mac residents.
Friday, June 29, 2012
Friday, June 22, 2012
Why you can't afford not to rent longer before buying a home
Generation Y'ers like me - the ones who bother to read the news, at least - likely feel like someone has been trampling on their dreams with shiny budget shoes lately.
Finance minister Jim Flaherty's changes to mortgage rules this week disproportionately affect first-time buyers. The Globe has some pleasantly thorough coverage on the matter today.
I'm a renter in my late 20s, so every pamphlet in the mail from home builders that begs the question "why rent when you can own?" indeed makes me wonder, why am I throwing away my money?
Tighter mortgage rules may mean some don't have a choice in the matter.
Either way, there appears to be some room for relief.
Included in the Globe's print coverage was a dandy breakdown of home and mortgage costs across the country, including in Edmonton. Call me naive, but I found it startling to see in one big number that servicing a $347,000 mortgage (the Edmonton single-detached average) costs you $273,000 in interest. That's for a 30-year mortgage, which will no longer be allowed lest you have a 20 per cent or better down payment. The amount you'd pay in interest on a 25-year mortgage for the same Edmonton home would be $220,000 - a savings of $53,000 in interest versus a 30-year mortgage.
It begs the question, especially in light of the coming ban on 30-year insured mortgages - why rush into home buying when it may be cheaper to rent, save up and wait?
Say I bought a condo three years ago, just after I moved to Edmonton. With the job I had as a newspaper reporter, I would almost certainly have needed a 30-year mortgage.
But lets say instead I wait 5 years to buy the same home, but with a 25-year mortgage, paying rent in the meantime. In the last three years, having coupled up half way through, I've paid about $25,000 in rent. I can expect to pay about $13,000 more in rent to reach five years of renting before buying.
Total paid in rent: $38,000. Money saved in interest: $53,000. Plus, my income has steadily, thankfully, increased over that time. My capacity to pay the higher payment of a 25 or even 20-year mortgage has increased. It's also given me the chance to build savings for a down payment. I've also been able to enjoy the walkable lifestyle of an urban neighbourhood, rather than putting up with the long commutes to lifeless fringe suburbs where homes are most affordable.
Maybe I'm overlooking a major step here, but that looks like a pretty solid case to hold off on home buying, even if it means paying rent longer. Now only can I afford it, I can hardly afford not to.
Finance minister Jim Flaherty's changes to mortgage rules this week disproportionately affect first-time buyers. The Globe has some pleasantly thorough coverage on the matter today.
I'm a renter in my late 20s, so every pamphlet in the mail from home builders that begs the question "why rent when you can own?" indeed makes me wonder, why am I throwing away my money?
Tighter mortgage rules may mean some don't have a choice in the matter.
Either way, there appears to be some room for relief.
Included in the Globe's print coverage was a dandy breakdown of home and mortgage costs across the country, including in Edmonton. Call me naive, but I found it startling to see in one big number that servicing a $347,000 mortgage (the Edmonton single-detached average) costs you $273,000 in interest. That's for a 30-year mortgage, which will no longer be allowed lest you have a 20 per cent or better down payment. The amount you'd pay in interest on a 25-year mortgage for the same Edmonton home would be $220,000 - a savings of $53,000 in interest versus a 30-year mortgage.
It begs the question, especially in light of the coming ban on 30-year insured mortgages - why rush into home buying when it may be cheaper to rent, save up and wait?
Say I bought a condo three years ago, just after I moved to Edmonton. With the job I had as a newspaper reporter, I would almost certainly have needed a 30-year mortgage.
But lets say instead I wait 5 years to buy the same home, but with a 25-year mortgage, paying rent in the meantime. In the last three years, having coupled up half way through, I've paid about $25,000 in rent. I can expect to pay about $13,000 more in rent to reach five years of renting before buying.
Total paid in rent: $38,000. Money saved in interest: $53,000. Plus, my income has steadily, thankfully, increased over that time. My capacity to pay the higher payment of a 25 or even 20-year mortgage has increased. It's also given me the chance to build savings for a down payment. I've also been able to enjoy the walkable lifestyle of an urban neighbourhood, rather than putting up with the long commutes to lifeless fringe suburbs where homes are most affordable.
Maybe I'm overlooking a major step here, but that looks like a pretty solid case to hold off on home buying, even if it means paying rent longer. Now only can I afford it, I can hardly afford not to.
Thursday, June 21, 2012
There's no buzz about 109 St. S, and I like it that way

Credit
When the Three Boars Eatery (read pub) opened on 109 St. and 85 Ave in recent weeks, a pack of hipsters seemed to grow from the seats like asparagus or bamboo shoots. The place was packed from day one.
I didn't see an ad campaign or any neighbourhood lit, and I live two blocks down the street. Yet the place is full. So it goes with most of the spots on 109 St. between Whyte and Saksatchewan Drive. Little buzz, lots of variety, lots of bums in seats.
Just a couple of years ago, I would never have used the term lively to describe the Garneau gaggle. It was less a strip than an archipelago comprising a few reputation-driven locales like the Garneau pub, Sugarbowl and the High Level Diner. Between were black waters of early-closing retail (including a Bible store, which really draws the night crowd) and some sketchy spots or downright empty commercial space. It made the walk down 109 St. intimidating after dark, which is a kiss of death for attracting anyone but dedicated regulars to particular establishments.
The renaissance on this humble street began at its one visual gem: the Garneau Theatre. A big reno completely refreshed its look, and the Metro Cinema kept the movie projectors running after the last theatre company pulled out. The reno also pushed out some long-term commercial tenants in favour of four new dining and drinking spots, along with a hair dresser. Since then, Noorish, a raw/vegan resto/yoga spot, took over the bible store down the street and Three Boars just opened in the former spot of a rather sketchy pizza joint. At the same time, the nascent and fabulous Da Capo Lifestyle Caffe finally found its crowd by uniting wealthy urbanists with cyclists. Urban Diner expanded from its popular 124 St. spot to the Garneau area, replacing a mediocre Italian joint with a solid brunch spot. Given the horror stories I've heard about the condition of the kitchen when Urban Diner took over, let's all be glad.
None of these places or changes were fundamental. But importantly, they have created land bridges between the established and undiscovered spots, like La Tienda cigars. There's now plenty of reason to stick on 109 St. on a weekend or weekday evening, bouncing between one character-soaked pub and restaurant to another.
Much of the buzz in town has revolved around Jasper ave/downtown. It's the beneficiary of some streetscaping, new condo development, a farmers market, potentially an NHL arena and a recent glowing Edmonton Journal piece. But downtown could take a number of lessons from growth on 109 St. It's attracted visitors by catering to diverse lifestyles, but in doing so creates a vibrant scene that makes you want to try each place. I'm excited to see where 109 St. goes, and hopeful that the KFC/Taco Bell will close soon.
Thursday, June 14, 2012
Dutch disease symptoms include denial, irresponsibility
Paul Martin had Bono. Tommy Mulcair now has the OECD.
The Conservative network has been apoplectic over Mr. Mulcair naming dutch disease as a problem that must be addressed. They've denied, insulted , and denounced - every tool that's become part of the Conservative network trade in disposing of inconvenient issues.
The only thing they haven't done is answered the damned question.
I'm not going to discuss Mr. Mulcair's policy suggestions., largely focused on environmental legislation. I'm interested to hear his position on Canada's monetary policy as well.
Rather, in light of the OECD's acknowledgement of mild Dutch disease conditions, and similar acknowledgement by Canada's IRPP, lets look at how harmful the Conservative network's response is to our economy.
Studies and facts aside, logic dictates that the investment in Canada's energy sector raises the value of our currency. As an investor, I'd look to Canada's oil wealth as a guarantee of prosperity and returns amidst a shaky world outlook. If your dollar is high, it makes your product more expensive to buy relative to states with lower currency values. There's no way this hasn't negatively affected manufacturing. Even if it's a small effect, a progressive and responsible economy seeks to correct the problem somehow. Government can have a role in a response. So to hear political leaders respond emotionally, as if naming a problem is an automatic assault on their castles, demonstrates a decided lack of maturity and pragmatism.
It feels like me willfully ignoring my bank account balance lest I feel bad about frivolous purchases. It's a practice I try to avoid because I know it doesn't matter what I think about my account balance - ignoring debt doesn't make money. This is part of what I call personal responsibility.
But I'm not surprised in the least that prominent conservatives in this country are failing to act responsibly. For years, their leader Stephen Harper has refused to act in line with his stated values. He denounces big government, but oversaw massive growth in spending and public service employment. Mr. Harper trumpets fiscal responsibility, but cut the GST only to be faced by a deficit that one could argue is now structural thanks in part to that decision.
No one should believe a word Stephen Harper says, but that shouldn't be news. What is news is that we have a batch of leaders who seem unwilling to even consider, let alone address structural problems in our economy. That news should worry all of us. Because leaders who don't watch the bank account won't know when the money runs dry.
The Conservative network has been apoplectic over Mr. Mulcair naming dutch disease as a problem that must be addressed. They've denied, insulted , and denounced - every tool that's become part of the Conservative network trade in disposing of inconvenient issues.
The only thing they haven't done is answered the damned question.
I'm not going to discuss Mr. Mulcair's policy suggestions., largely focused on environmental legislation. I'm interested to hear his position on Canada's monetary policy as well.
Rather, in light of the OECD's acknowledgement of mild Dutch disease conditions, and similar acknowledgement by Canada's IRPP, lets look at how harmful the Conservative network's response is to our economy.
Studies and facts aside, logic dictates that the investment in Canada's energy sector raises the value of our currency. As an investor, I'd look to Canada's oil wealth as a guarantee of prosperity and returns amidst a shaky world outlook. If your dollar is high, it makes your product more expensive to buy relative to states with lower currency values. There's no way this hasn't negatively affected manufacturing. Even if it's a small effect, a progressive and responsible economy seeks to correct the problem somehow. Government can have a role in a response. So to hear political leaders respond emotionally, as if naming a problem is an automatic assault on their castles, demonstrates a decided lack of maturity and pragmatism.
It feels like me willfully ignoring my bank account balance lest I feel bad about frivolous purchases. It's a practice I try to avoid because I know it doesn't matter what I think about my account balance - ignoring debt doesn't make money. This is part of what I call personal responsibility.
But I'm not surprised in the least that prominent conservatives in this country are failing to act responsibly. For years, their leader Stephen Harper has refused to act in line with his stated values. He denounces big government, but oversaw massive growth in spending and public service employment. Mr. Harper trumpets fiscal responsibility, but cut the GST only to be faced by a deficit that one could argue is now structural thanks in part to that decision.
No one should believe a word Stephen Harper says, but that shouldn't be news. What is news is that we have a batch of leaders who seem unwilling to even consider, let alone address structural problems in our economy. That news should worry all of us. Because leaders who don't watch the bank account won't know when the money runs dry.
Friday, June 8, 2012
Wine - Bonterra Cabernet Sauvignon
Bonterra Cabernet Sauvignon (Organic) 2010 - If you can't trust a wine brand anymore, what can you trust?.
- Price: $17
- Purchased at: REAL CANADIAN LIQUOR STORE, BABY!
- Could Richard have designed this label: Too pretty for me to design - or want to design
As I grow up, I'm learning about the things you should trust, and things you shouldn't - and drinking ever more wine, come to think of it.
You should trust your lawyer, because my favourite cases to watch involve self-representation. You should not trust online ads that use the word "free". You should trust that McDonald's will titillate your taste buds, but torture your intestines (I tell myself this as I stare at the Golden Arches with a mean late-night hunger coming on). Apparently, you shouldn't always trust a winery.
Bonterra, and organic cabernet sauvignon out of Mendocino County and Lake County in California. Wine Access scored the 2009 vintage at 89:
While I cruised my favourite liquid lunch supermarket, Bonterra stuck out. I grabbed it. It was the 2010 vintage. But I mean, same winery, same grapes, one year apart.
I'm sure fellow wineophytes can sympathize with me. With most consumer brands, except investments, past performance is usually indicative of future results.
But Bonterra 2010 was ... how to put it gently ... repulsive on first taste. Lifeless. No fruit, lots of mineral, little structure. It didn't get a lot better over time. It was dry without being crisp. I felt continually disappointed. When drinking starts to feel like a task, it's time to leave the nightclub immediately; or time for a new bottle.
Wine Access knows much more than me. So I'm going to chalk this little error up to learning what to trust in life. Should we trust wine bloggers?
- Price: $17
- Purchased at: REAL CANADIAN LIQUOR STORE, BABY!
- Could Richard have designed this label: Too pretty for me to design - or want to design
As I grow up, I'm learning about the things you should trust, and things you shouldn't - and drinking ever more wine, come to think of it.
You should trust your lawyer, because my favourite cases to watch involve self-representation. You should not trust online ads that use the word "free". You should trust that McDonald's will titillate your taste buds, but torture your intestines (I tell myself this as I stare at the Golden Arches with a mean late-night hunger coming on). Apparently, you shouldn't always trust a winery.
Bonterra, and organic cabernet sauvignon out of Mendocino County and Lake County in California. Wine Access scored the 2009 vintage at 89:
This is well-priced for such an elegant and well-balanced cabernet. Expect cassis and black cherry jello notes, with pencil shavings plus some floral and leathery complexity. It seems light on the palate due to a seam of fresh acidity. It is velvety smooth with good length. Very pretty. Drinking best 2011 to 2014.
While I cruised my favourite liquid lunch supermarket, Bonterra stuck out. I grabbed it. It was the 2010 vintage. But I mean, same winery, same grapes, one year apart.
I'm sure fellow wineophytes can sympathize with me. With most consumer brands, except investments, past performance is usually indicative of future results.
But Bonterra 2010 was ... how to put it gently ... repulsive on first taste. Lifeless. No fruit, lots of mineral, little structure. It didn't get a lot better over time. It was dry without being crisp. I felt continually disappointed. When drinking starts to feel like a task, it's time to leave the nightclub immediately; or time for a new bottle.
Wine Access knows much more than me. So I'm going to chalk this little error up to learning what to trust in life. Should we trust wine bloggers?
Sunday, June 3, 2012
Now for something completely different ... wine.
If there's something that pairs well with politics, it's wine, or scotch. So, I'll review both here.
Back story: I'm getting married July 27. Eggs and I decided to host the show at Hawrelak Park. Note to city council - it's a bummer that you don't allow booze in the park. So in lieu of an open bar, we'll be treating our guests to wine as a takeaway gift. Really, take it away - we've seen teenagers get ticketed for open liquor at Hawrelak. Please don't behave like a teenager at our wedding.
So with a little help from my sommelier friends, I'm endeavoring to test a few reasonable bottles.
Criteria:
- Costs about $15, or less. Less is more easy on my wallet.
- Must impress upon first sip. And not in a "I knew Richard was cheap, but wow" way.
- Must be available in Edmonton.
So, the first edition: El Petit Bonhomme - Man wine.
- Price: $15.75
- Purchased at: Bin 104, 5454 Calgary Trail (that one classy strip mall, next to Bonanza and Tony Romas)
- Could Richard have designed this label: Yes. It's a stick man.
Apparently Nathalie Bonhomme, the wine's producer, is a good ol' Canadienne made good. Born in Quebec, she started making wine in Spain, via England and South Africa. What a life.
I'm going to intentionally try not in these reviews to produce wine tasting notes that look like the grocery list of a very hungry person (Vegetable stalk? Compost? I may not be a sommelier, but I know which part of the vegetable to eat).
This is a man wine - smoke and meat. You can taste the plans for world domination. Huge presence off the nose - didn't they ban smoking indoors? Upon taste: enough tannins to pucker a bit on the first sip, but by the third it has mellowed out and presents steak, blackberry, and smoked or roasted spice. Lovely smooth finish, with a bit of juicy steak presenting again. Eggs says it smells like A535. But she just got back from working six hours on a Sunday. And she clearly doesn't know alcohol is an acquired taste.
I go back to the idea that this is a "man" (in the gender stereotypical sense) wine. The scotch drinker in me doesn't feel like he's betraying himself in enjoying this without a meal. The wine drinker in me, who lives Zin, missed the berry sweetness on the first sip. But that's a nice turn - a wine that's not berry-centric but doesn't taste like dirt (I'm looking at you, Italia!).
Back story: I'm getting married July 27. Eggs and I decided to host the show at Hawrelak Park. Note to city council - it's a bummer that you don't allow booze in the park. So in lieu of an open bar, we'll be treating our guests to wine as a takeaway gift. Really, take it away - we've seen teenagers get ticketed for open liquor at Hawrelak. Please don't behave like a teenager at our wedding.
So with a little help from my sommelier friends, I'm endeavoring to test a few reasonable bottles.
Criteria:
- Costs about $15, or less. Less is more easy on my wallet.
- Must impress upon first sip. And not in a "I knew Richard was cheap, but wow" way.
- Must be available in Edmonton.
So, the first edition: El Petit Bonhomme - Man wine.
- Price: $15.75
- Purchased at: Bin 104, 5454 Calgary Trail (that one classy strip mall, next to Bonanza and Tony Romas)
- Could Richard have designed this label: Yes. It's a stick man.
Apparently Nathalie Bonhomme, the wine's producer, is a good ol' Canadienne made good. Born in Quebec, she started making wine in Spain, via England and South Africa. What a life.
I'm going to intentionally try not in these reviews to produce wine tasting notes that look like the grocery list of a very hungry person (Vegetable stalk? Compost? I may not be a sommelier, but I know which part of the vegetable to eat).
This is a man wine - smoke and meat. You can taste the plans for world domination. Huge presence off the nose - didn't they ban smoking indoors? Upon taste: enough tannins to pucker a bit on the first sip, but by the third it has mellowed out and presents steak, blackberry, and smoked or roasted spice. Lovely smooth finish, with a bit of juicy steak presenting again. Eggs says it smells like A535. But she just got back from working six hours on a Sunday. And she clearly doesn't know alcohol is an acquired taste.
I go back to the idea that this is a "man" (in the gender stereotypical sense) wine. The scotch drinker in me doesn't feel like he's betraying himself in enjoying this without a meal. The wine drinker in me, who lives Zin, missed the berry sweetness on the first sip. But that's a nice turn - a wine that's not berry-centric but doesn't taste like dirt (I'm looking at you, Italia!).
Wednesday, May 30, 2012
Some politicians, and apparently some citizens, need reminding that money in government coffers doesn't belong to the government - its a common pool of public wealth.
The primary philosophers of western thought saw government arising from the common interests of society - the social contract. Said Jean-Jacques Rousseau:
So it was frustrating to read Paul Wells column on the Quebec tuition row. In one of those 'I'm joking. But seriously, what do you think?' intellectual balloon-floating moments, he proposes letting some universities raise their tuition freely, while others either freeze or further lower tuition, and suffer the supposed consequences of poor education quality.
He may as well have given the Quebec student protest movement the 'here is how things work in the real world' speech that's genetically coded into fathers across privileged North America. He cites the university funding deficit of $620 million Quebec schools face versus the rest of Canada, where tuition is much higher. He's correctly identified a tension. Educating students costs money. Keeping tuition low can starve schools and leave students with poor quality education. It's one reason why I've generally opposed tuition freezes.
But funding education is not a fight between students and government alone. Public university education is a benefit, directly or indirectly, to almost all actors and members of our society.
A study of the impact of university spending by the Minnesota government suggests it costs the state there $326 million in economic costs for a benefit of as much as $786 million per year.
Students and government benefit in terms of higher wages, fewer demands on public programs, lower crime and more. But what the study fails to measure, but mentions, is the benefit to businesses. Specifically, businesses who hire more university-educated workers see boosts in productivity in university educated and lower-educated workers alike. Not only does a university education increase the quality of workers available; for many jobs, uneducated workers simply could not fill needed positions without further training.
In essence, the costs of training demanded by employers has been downloaded to the public university system and subsidized by all taxpayers. Train conductors and engineers for Canada's railways used to be educated in-house, at the employer's expense. But recently, a program was struck at a college in Manitoba. Now students pay $10,000 for a months-long program to be able to be employed as a conductor.
Corporate taxes directed specifically toward public education would help level the balance of obligation amongst those who benefit from public education. Yet raising corporate taxes specifically to fund education has not been part of the discussion while students are being called on to pay more. Corporations receive direct benefits from publicly funded university just like students do.
This option would be on the table if we saw government for what it really is - a re-distributor of private, corporate and public wealth, not a source of money in and of itself. If we want to have the benefits of public education - as the Minnesota study suggests we should - then we need to as a society decide the contributions of every beneficiary - private, public and corporate - to fund the best public education system possible.
The primary philosophers of western thought saw government arising from the common interests of society - the social contract. Said Jean-Jacques Rousseau:
"The Sovereign, having no force other than the legislative power, acts only by means of the laws; and the laws being solely the authentic acts of the general will, the Sovereign cannot act save when the people is assembled." (On the Social Contract, Book 3, Chapter 12)
So it was frustrating to read Paul Wells column on the Quebec tuition row. In one of those 'I'm joking. But seriously, what do you think?' intellectual balloon-floating moments, he proposes letting some universities raise their tuition freely, while others either freeze or further lower tuition, and suffer the supposed consequences of poor education quality.
He may as well have given the Quebec student protest movement the 'here is how things work in the real world' speech that's genetically coded into fathers across privileged North America. He cites the university funding deficit of $620 million Quebec schools face versus the rest of Canada, where tuition is much higher. He's correctly identified a tension. Educating students costs money. Keeping tuition low can starve schools and leave students with poor quality education. It's one reason why I've generally opposed tuition freezes.
But funding education is not a fight between students and government alone. Public university education is a benefit, directly or indirectly, to almost all actors and members of our society.
A study of the impact of university spending by the Minnesota government suggests it costs the state there $326 million in economic costs for a benefit of as much as $786 million per year.
Students and government benefit in terms of higher wages, fewer demands on public programs, lower crime and more. But what the study fails to measure, but mentions, is the benefit to businesses. Specifically, businesses who hire more university-educated workers see boosts in productivity in university educated and lower-educated workers alike. Not only does a university education increase the quality of workers available; for many jobs, uneducated workers simply could not fill needed positions without further training.
In essence, the costs of training demanded by employers has been downloaded to the public university system and subsidized by all taxpayers. Train conductors and engineers for Canada's railways used to be educated in-house, at the employer's expense. But recently, a program was struck at a college in Manitoba. Now students pay $10,000 for a months-long program to be able to be employed as a conductor.
Corporate taxes directed specifically toward public education would help level the balance of obligation amongst those who benefit from public education. Yet raising corporate taxes specifically to fund education has not been part of the discussion while students are being called on to pay more. Corporations receive direct benefits from publicly funded university just like students do.
This option would be on the table if we saw government for what it really is - a re-distributor of private, corporate and public wealth, not a source of money in and of itself. If we want to have the benefits of public education - as the Minnesota study suggests we should - then we need to as a society decide the contributions of every beneficiary - private, public and corporate - to fund the best public education system possible.
Wednesday, May 23, 2012
Throne speech - check against delivery
My fellow Albertans,
Since it has come to the government's attention that we allegedly don't like Alberta all that much, we're going to go out of our way to give Albertans outside of southern rural Alberta exactly what they want - a Liberal government, but without the name, the doctor, or the tax increases. Well, no new taxes for now at least. We'll have a chat about that later.
We're going to keep the promises to liberal-minded voters we made in our platform. Don't worry that our platform doesn't mention climate change or publicly delivered health care. Past PC governments have shown we can be trusted on those fronts.
• Follow a renewed fiscal policy and savings strategy to reduce dependence on non-renewable resource revenue and seek Albertans’ input on the future of the Alberta heritage savings trust fund.
• Identify strategies to expand the recruitment of post-secondary students in rural areas, including those within Métis and first nations communities.
• Serve as the catalyst for a pan-Canadian Energy Strategy that promotes inter-jurisdictional collaboration to develop a sustainable energy roadmap based on common goals and priorities.
• Implement Alberta’s International Strategy, including the negotiation of “externships” – competitive placements for talented Albertans in international organizations, foundations, multilateral institutions and the private sector.
• Implement increases to the monthly living allowance and the employment income exemptions for participants of the Assured Income for the Severely Handicapped program, as outlined in budget 2012.
• We will build a network of up to 140 Family Care Clinics based on the pilots in calgary, edmonton and slave lake.
• Alternative medicine plays an increasingly important role in preventative health, and needs to be considered in a holistic approach to wellness – especially in cases where naturopathic, homeopathic, chiropractic and other therapies help patients attain personal health goals. Qualified patients will be able to claim up to $500 per year for these treatments starting in 2013.
• A new PC government will increase the number of long-term care spaces by 1,000 per year over the next five years and meet the needs of Alberta’s aging population and changing demographic profile.
• A new PC government will implement a province-wide ‘After School Recreation Strategy’. the ‘After school recreation strategy’ is supported by evidence that unsupervised children, between the hours of 3 and 6 p.m., are more vulnerable to anti-social and other behaviours that lead them into trouble with the law. we would spend an estimated $1.5 million to develop the program, with an ongoing operational budget of between $3 and $5 million per year. funding for the program would come from the Alberta lottery fund.
• A new PC government will build an additional 50 new schools and renovate 70 more over the next 4 years in the communities that need them most
• The Canadian Energy Strategy will help provinces and territories understand how all of canada benefits from resources in Alberta. (along with our plan for Securing expanded pipeline capacity to Eastern Canada)
• This year, agencies contracted by Seniors and Human Services received an additional $62 million – the equivalent of a five per cent wage increase and a $1,500 lump sum payment for an estimated 17,000 agency workers.
• A new PC government is committed to strengthening supports for Albertans in their time of need. our Plan for Poverty reduction will focus on a 5-year plan to eliminate child poverty and a 10-year plan to reduce overall poverty.
• To help keep traffic moving, our water clean and expand transit we will renew our ongoing commitment to fund cities through the Municipal Sustainability Initiative (MSI). A new Progressive Conservative government will commit an additional $600 million a year to Msi in 2014/15 and guarantee yearly funding of $1.6 billion a year through 2023.
So, Albertans outside of southern rural Alberta, take us at our word - we've got the change you want. Go ahead, hold us to it.
Since it has come to the government's attention that we allegedly don't like Alberta all that much, we're going to go out of our way to give Albertans outside of southern rural Alberta exactly what they want - a Liberal government, but without the name, the doctor, or the tax increases. Well, no new taxes for now at least. We'll have a chat about that later.
We're going to keep the promises to liberal-minded voters we made in our platform. Don't worry that our platform doesn't mention climate change or publicly delivered health care. Past PC governments have shown we can be trusted on those fronts.
• Follow a renewed fiscal policy and savings strategy to reduce dependence on non-renewable resource revenue and seek Albertans’ input on the future of the Alberta heritage savings trust fund.
• Identify strategies to expand the recruitment of post-secondary students in rural areas, including those within Métis and first nations communities.
• Serve as the catalyst for a pan-Canadian Energy Strategy that promotes inter-jurisdictional collaboration to develop a sustainable energy roadmap based on common goals and priorities.
• Implement Alberta’s International Strategy, including the negotiation of “externships” – competitive placements for talented Albertans in international organizations, foundations, multilateral institutions and the private sector.
• Implement increases to the monthly living allowance and the employment income exemptions for participants of the Assured Income for the Severely Handicapped program, as outlined in budget 2012.
• We will build a network of up to 140 Family Care Clinics based on the pilots in calgary, edmonton and slave lake.
• Alternative medicine plays an increasingly important role in preventative health, and needs to be considered in a holistic approach to wellness – especially in cases where naturopathic, homeopathic, chiropractic and other therapies help patients attain personal health goals. Qualified patients will be able to claim up to $500 per year for these treatments starting in 2013.
• A new PC government will increase the number of long-term care spaces by 1,000 per year over the next five years and meet the needs of Alberta’s aging population and changing demographic profile.
• A new PC government will implement a province-wide ‘After School Recreation Strategy’. the ‘After school recreation strategy’ is supported by evidence that unsupervised children, between the hours of 3 and 6 p.m., are more vulnerable to anti-social and other behaviours that lead them into trouble with the law. we would spend an estimated $1.5 million to develop the program, with an ongoing operational budget of between $3 and $5 million per year. funding for the program would come from the Alberta lottery fund.
• A new PC government will build an additional 50 new schools and renovate 70 more over the next 4 years in the communities that need them most
• The Canadian Energy Strategy will help provinces and territories understand how all of canada benefits from resources in Alberta. (along with our plan for Securing expanded pipeline capacity to Eastern Canada)
• This year, agencies contracted by Seniors and Human Services received an additional $62 million – the equivalent of a five per cent wage increase and a $1,500 lump sum payment for an estimated 17,000 agency workers.
• A new PC government is committed to strengthening supports for Albertans in their time of need. our Plan for Poverty reduction will focus on a 5-year plan to eliminate child poverty and a 10-year plan to reduce overall poverty.
• To help keep traffic moving, our water clean and expand transit we will renew our ongoing commitment to fund cities through the Municipal Sustainability Initiative (MSI). A new Progressive Conservative government will commit an additional $600 million a year to Msi in 2014/15 and guarantee yearly funding of $1.6 billion a year through 2023.
So, Albertans outside of southern rural Alberta, take us at our word - we've got the change you want. Go ahead, hold us to it.
Monday, May 21, 2012
Trudeau's shadow
Hat tip to the National Film Board - can't believe Harper hasn't slashed it yet - and their excellent website, www.nfb.ca. It's packed with awesome documentaries from years back. What an asset to Canadian culture.
The question of who will be Canada's next great leader seems decidedly undecided right now. Though he's achieved his political objectives, Stephen Harper is not a great leader - a man who inspires us to greater highs - nor a nation builder - sensible for a politician who sees little role for government in nation building. Thomas Mulcair is showing a divisive, calculating streak by hanging his economic credentials on Canada's "dutch disease". But he has years to prove himself.
This weekend's free TV - Hat tip to the Internet, wag of the finger to the cable companies - included this series on the simultaneous rises, falls and interplays of Pierre Trudeau and Rene Levesque. The first of three: http://www.nfb.ca/film/champions_part_1/
Trudeau's removed intellectual style seems wildly out of place in today's Riddelin-starved retail politics - see Michael Ignatieff. Yet he was the last to reshape our nation. Significantly, he was the last prime minister a significant number of people seemed to love. But a review of his governing record, as the documentary suggests, returns many periods of listlessness and managerial dysfunction.
On environmental sustainability, indigenous living, urban challenges, health care sustainability, competitiveness and more, Canada needs fundamental change - realignments of responsibility, bold but careful intrusions into the market, a reconsideration of the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. Yet we have elected, since Mulroney, incremental managers in the style of your supervisor at work. Chretien and Martin succeeded in slaying the deficit in the 90s, yes - but those are trophies from award dinners, not the stuff of grade-school textbooks or tearful flag-raisings.
Despite his style, the meaningfulness of Trudeau's big accomplishments are with us still exactly because they impacted both our emotional and material lives. In retrospect, it's possible to draw the connections between a strong stance on rights and the impact the Charter of Rights and Freedoms has had on the lives of all Canadians. Trudeau's intellectual rigour on rights - the succinctness of his thinking - eventually and almost accidentally came around to unite the heady and the daily.
I've yet to see a leader emerge who has thought through all those fundamental challenges and can explain why the work must be done. No leader has stepped forth to present with ruthless honesty and unending patience a plan that rises above easy criticism. Is there a leader who could do both and get elected in Canada today? Would we listen? The search goes on.
Thursday, July 1, 2010
Police state? Thanks, Black Block.
Firstly, kudos to the Globe and Mail for speaking to and publishing the words of those involved in the Black Block techniques at the G8/G20.
It makes clear the motivation behind the violence - lash out against the corporate entities that are allegedly oppressing the populace.
One black blocker even argued the vandalism was helping spread the messages of non-violent protesters.
I see this as a teachable moment - an opportunity to restate what's evident in the way media covers protests marred by violence.
Destruction takes the lead. Your violent acts don't clear the way for other messages. They don't carry any political message through editors' filters. Violence is an opaque lens on the real issues that have upset you and motivated you to kick and smash.
If you're truly anarchists as you're often described, then maybe you're happy that the violence focuses the debate on the power of police instead of the politics affecting our daily lives.
You would do anything to elicit a heavy-handed police response, undermining public confidence in the social order.
But outside your living-room revolutionary brigades, there's a public that may well side with police in this debate. They see your antics as deplorable, and therefore the police justified in their use of force.
For that sizable part of the populace, you reinforce the need for a heavy-handed law and order state. You make the subversion of civil liberties seem like a necessary recourse to keep store windows in place.
The media you're aiming to saturate? Reporters are told to report at risk of arrest, or to leave.
Suddenly the list of your opposition grows - it's the corporations and governments, then it's the media, then it's the populace itself. Who exactly are you with? Who are you serving?
Do you care? Or are emotional fits enough to scratch that itch for action on your grievances?
It makes clear the motivation behind the violence - lash out against the corporate entities that are allegedly oppressing the populace.
“Look here, look at the reaction to austerity measures in Greece, look at the anger surrounding BP in the Gulf,” Mr. Bowen said. “The whole global economy is coming down. We are going to kick it until it breaks.”
One black blocker even argued the vandalism was helping spread the messages of non-violent protesters.
He claimed that Black Bloc acts as “a wrecking ball” that clears the way for other protest groups to state their various cases. Smashing windows at Hudson’s Bay Co., for instance, “actually opened up space for Canadians to stop and think about the colonial history of HBC,” Mr. Hundert wrote.
I see this as a teachable moment - an opportunity to restate what's evident in the way media covers protests marred by violence.
Destruction takes the lead. Your violent acts don't clear the way for other messages. They don't carry any political message through editors' filters. Violence is an opaque lens on the real issues that have upset you and motivated you to kick and smash.
If you're truly anarchists as you're often described, then maybe you're happy that the violence focuses the debate on the power of police instead of the politics affecting our daily lives.
You would do anything to elicit a heavy-handed police response, undermining public confidence in the social order.
But outside your living-room revolutionary brigades, there's a public that may well side with police in this debate. They see your antics as deplorable, and therefore the police justified in their use of force.
For that sizable part of the populace, you reinforce the need for a heavy-handed law and order state. You make the subversion of civil liberties seem like a necessary recourse to keep store windows in place.
The media you're aiming to saturate? Reporters are told to report at risk of arrest, or to leave.
Suddenly the list of your opposition grows - it's the corporations and governments, then it's the media, then it's the populace itself. Who exactly are you with? Who are you serving?
Do you care? Or are emotional fits enough to scratch that itch for action on your grievances?
Monday, May 4, 2009
Is education the wisest focus?
Michael Ignatieff stood before Canadians Sunday to try and convince them he's feeling their every-man pain ... by reminding us all he's a professor.
Hit 'em with textbooks, he said in his convention closing speech Saturday.
Well, maybe he offered a bit more nuance:
"A recovery strategy must be a strategy for learning," he proposed for our ailing economy. He folded in the need for early childhood education, easier access to finances needed for post-secondary schooling, fighting illiteracy and improving the education system for Aboriginal peoples.
Smile and nod policy, all.
But will offering voters a lesson drive them to the ballot box?
I've never seen a poll that put education as a top issue of concern for voters. Right now it's the economy.
So yet another Liberal leader is proposing to fix the economy with indirect but expensive policies. It was incredibly difficult to link the Green Shift to economic prosperity because you can at no point say, "if I spend a dollar, you get a job." In this case, it's more like, "if I spend a dollar, you'll get an education, which should help you get a job - if they economy is good."
It's seems simple enough, but little more than "tax carbon, which you don't like, and save on income taxes, which you like."
It's good policy, but tough politics.
Like saying we need a green economy reached through an environmental focus, trying to tackle the economy through improved education makes sense. In an election campaign, however, it comes off as a dodge to the main issue.
It wasn't until Dion dropped the Green Shift and addressed the economy directly that even a breath of wind filled his campaign sails.
MI would also have to posit this professorial solution without sounding like a professor - arguably his biggest unconquered weakness.
Considering every speaker leading up to Michael's speech spoke almost exclusively about the need to win, I'm a bit surprised Liberals are willing to travel the winding road again.
Here's hoping it doesn't lead to the political wilderness.
Hit 'em with textbooks, he said in his convention closing speech Saturday.
Well, maybe he offered a bit more nuance:
"A recovery strategy must be a strategy for learning," he proposed for our ailing economy. He folded in the need for early childhood education, easier access to finances needed for post-secondary schooling, fighting illiteracy and improving the education system for Aboriginal peoples.
Smile and nod policy, all.
But will offering voters a lesson drive them to the ballot box?
I've never seen a poll that put education as a top issue of concern for voters. Right now it's the economy.
So yet another Liberal leader is proposing to fix the economy with indirect but expensive policies. It was incredibly difficult to link the Green Shift to economic prosperity because you can at no point say, "if I spend a dollar, you get a job." In this case, it's more like, "if I spend a dollar, you'll get an education, which should help you get a job - if they economy is good."
It's seems simple enough, but little more than "tax carbon, which you don't like, and save on income taxes, which you like."
It's good policy, but tough politics.
Like saying we need a green economy reached through an environmental focus, trying to tackle the economy through improved education makes sense. In an election campaign, however, it comes off as a dodge to the main issue.
It wasn't until Dion dropped the Green Shift and addressed the economy directly that even a breath of wind filled his campaign sails.
MI would also have to posit this professorial solution without sounding like a professor - arguably his biggest unconquered weakness.
Considering every speaker leading up to Michael's speech spoke almost exclusively about the need to win, I'm a bit surprised Liberals are willing to travel the winding road again.
Here's hoping it doesn't lead to the political wilderness.
Tuesday, July 8, 2008
Its the time of the season for voting
A gem I stumbled upon thanks to CBC's embrace of iTunes: the At Issue panel final session from a few weeks ago.
Interesting idea was touched upon, and I'd like to add a bit.
Heibert, Coyne, Gregg and Murphy stumbled upon the idea in chatting about federal election timing (they all later nominated the question as the most overdiscussed of the political year) that Dion et Green Shift are best to move before the winter season, when those home heating bills start to roll in -- the idea being that even though Dion could sidestep the high gas prices (in argument, at least) by pointing out his plan does not tax gas, he would have no answer to people's stress over the thought of even higher gas bills other than to say that, uhhh, there'll be some money coming to help that . . . next year.
So, it may be the winter of dismay for the Liberals, but the Harper government may not be able to stand the heat of the summer.
Since climate change fell upon popular awareness, every major weather event has seemed to trigger a connection with a need to get to work on global warming. If Canada faces an extremely hot or busy summer storm season, the tough talk of paying a price for carbon would at least seem viscerally justified.
This all leaves (pardon the pun) the fall as go time for the Liberals. One has to think that if Dion and party cannot sell the Green Shift in the period of a summer and an election, the thing is truly an albatross.
Interesting idea was touched upon, and I'd like to add a bit.
Heibert, Coyne, Gregg and Murphy stumbled upon the idea in chatting about federal election timing (they all later nominated the question as the most overdiscussed of the political year) that Dion et Green Shift are best to move before the winter season, when those home heating bills start to roll in -- the idea being that even though Dion could sidestep the high gas prices (in argument, at least) by pointing out his plan does not tax gas, he would have no answer to people's stress over the thought of even higher gas bills other than to say that, uhhh, there'll be some money coming to help that . . . next year.
So, it may be the winter of dismay for the Liberals, but the Harper government may not be able to stand the heat of the summer.
Since climate change fell upon popular awareness, every major weather event has seemed to trigger a connection with a need to get to work on global warming. If Canada faces an extremely hot or busy summer storm season, the tough talk of paying a price for carbon would at least seem viscerally justified.
This all leaves (pardon the pun) the fall as go time for the Liberals. One has to think that if Dion and party cannot sell the Green Shift in the period of a summer and an election, the thing is truly an albatross.
Looking far back, but not too far
A handy consequence of posting so infrequently: the first thing you see is an old post that is of the right vintage to uncork and taste.
Interesting to look at the last paragraph of my last post before the update. Now, Silly Hillary, who clearly along with many other people does not read this blog, decided to hold out to a bitter end before quitting the race. Despite that, Obama is in the lead according to every poll that I've seen. My argument slain? Hardly.
Mainly, Obama has been chasing hard after blue collar centrist votes with several policy shifts to the middle (I generally don't penalize folk for moving to the centre, hense I'll leave flip flop in the dictionary) and a lot of face time in some rather red states (July 4 in Montana?). This is of course, entirely logical and expectable, and my previous observation was hardly a eureka discovery -- but, it's nice to confirm that I'm at least starting from a sane point of view.
Interesting to look at the last paragraph of my last post before the update. Now, Silly Hillary, who clearly along with many other people does not read this blog, decided to hold out to a bitter end before quitting the race. Despite that, Obama is in the lead according to every poll that I've seen. My argument slain? Hardly.
Mainly, Obama has been chasing hard after blue collar centrist votes with several policy shifts to the middle (I generally don't penalize folk for moving to the centre, hense I'll leave flip flop in the dictionary) and a lot of face time in some rather red states (July 4 in Montana?). This is of course, entirely logical and expectable, and my previous observation was hardly a eureka discovery -- but, it's nice to confirm that I'm at least starting from a sane point of view.
Tuesday, April 22, 2008
Unholy union may be neccessary
The New York Times notes two trends related to organizational vote in the Pennsylvania primary.
While it is one thing to have unaffiliated workers voting en masse for one particular candidate, it's another when unions power one to victory. Unions are core Democrats, but have, in past, turned Republican (known as Reagan Democrats).
Two possibilities prevail:
By holding in the contest, Clinton is unintentionally working to drive Reagan Democrats back into the Red fold. The bitter rhetoric of her campaign, her tagging of Obama as an elite, may well turn unioner attitudes toward Obama sour if (or when) he takes the nomination. This would be potentially disastrous for the Democrats. One should note that during his 2000 primary bid, John McCain chased
the same Reagan Democrat votes that are fueling Clinton's survival. Bitter attitudes plus a friendly GOP message could collapse the grandstand beneath Obama, who has proven appeal in traditional red states but needs the confidence of traditional Democrats in order to pursue and capitalize those Red state votes in November. Betting on a turn in Mississippi seems foolish if Pennsylvania goes Republican.
Obama has shot his candidacy in the foot with the god and gun loving comments. If, as some critics have suggested, Obama's rhetoric is truly empty, then perhaps this was the sign; or, perhaps his oftly-cited "authentic" tone may have turned around on him. Even Obama believers will have to concede that the comments made him look like a pretty marginalized candidate: one who speaks largely to a class of urban idealists who, by a long stretch, do not form a majority in America. Insulting the pride, lifestyle and worldview of any group of people is a sure path to eliciting a powerfully negative emotional reaction. Obama dropped a seed of defeat with that comment, and these results may be sign that it has begun to sprout. An irrational, emotional turn against Obama would seal his fate in November.
In the frame of either understanding, the best solution is for Hillary to quit the race as soon as possible and genuinely work with Obama to sway the unions, and blue-collar Democrats, into his favour. Obama's message could be reshaped to keep traditional democrats in the fold, especially after two Bush Republican terms and with so few policy differences between the candidates. Hillary, in contrast, has proven throughout the campaign to be too polarizing a figure to reach out to independents and new Democrats, a quality needed against McCain's independent appeal. Obama still has the best electablility formula, with age and voice that suit a desire for change far more than the 70-some-year-old McCain, but that equation wains with each Hillary attack or chance for ill-informed misspeak without proper coaching.
UPDATE:
I'm not sure the 9 point margin really lends favour to either perspective i discussed. There seemed to be particular regional issues for Obama from what I'm reading, and the issues of spending and ground organization will have played a large factor. Mr. Obama clearly has the money, and evidently not the machine -- the opposite can be said for Ms. Clinton. Those factors aside, another interesting factor arose: voters who named the economy as their top issue in exit polls voted strongly (56 to 44 per cent) in favour of Clinton. Considering Obama lost Pittsburgh and almost all of the rest of rural Penn., I'd say he needs to bring forth, or at least passionately express an economic plan before Indiana to have a hope of scoring a decisive win there. His straight talk has fallen on deaf ears in manufacturing America.
9:39 p.m. | Signs, Signs, Signs: Check out the picture of the Clinton rally on our site. What jumps out is how many union signs are there. We noticed this at Senatr Clinton’s rally late Monday night at the Palestra. The unions _ AFSCME, the American Federation of Teachers among them _ have stood by her. This may be good for the TV backdrop but it emphasizes her institutional support, not a rising up of the grassroots.
In fact, among white union members with no college education, she is winning almost three-quarters of the vote. That’s significant.
While it is one thing to have unaffiliated workers voting en masse for one particular candidate, it's another when unions power one to victory. Unions are core Democrats, but have, in past, turned Republican (known as Reagan Democrats).
Two possibilities prevail:
By holding in the contest, Clinton is unintentionally working to drive Reagan Democrats back into the Red fold. The bitter rhetoric of her campaign, her tagging of Obama as an elite, may well turn unioner attitudes toward Obama sour if (or when) he takes the nomination. This would be potentially disastrous for the Democrats. One should note that during his 2000 primary bid, John McCain chased
the same Reagan Democrat votes that are fueling Clinton's survival. Bitter attitudes plus a friendly GOP message could collapse the grandstand beneath Obama, who has proven appeal in traditional red states but needs the confidence of traditional Democrats in order to pursue and capitalize those Red state votes in November. Betting on a turn in Mississippi seems foolish if Pennsylvania goes Republican.
Obama has shot his candidacy in the foot with the god and gun loving comments. If, as some critics have suggested, Obama's rhetoric is truly empty, then perhaps this was the sign; or, perhaps his oftly-cited "authentic" tone may have turned around on him. Even Obama believers will have to concede that the comments made him look like a pretty marginalized candidate: one who speaks largely to a class of urban idealists who, by a long stretch, do not form a majority in America. Insulting the pride, lifestyle and worldview of any group of people is a sure path to eliciting a powerfully negative emotional reaction. Obama dropped a seed of defeat with that comment, and these results may be sign that it has begun to sprout. An irrational, emotional turn against Obama would seal his fate in November.
In the frame of either understanding, the best solution is for Hillary to quit the race as soon as possible and genuinely work with Obama to sway the unions, and blue-collar Democrats, into his favour. Obama's message could be reshaped to keep traditional democrats in the fold, especially after two Bush Republican terms and with so few policy differences between the candidates. Hillary, in contrast, has proven throughout the campaign to be too polarizing a figure to reach out to independents and new Democrats, a quality needed against McCain's independent appeal. Obama still has the best electablility formula, with age and voice that suit a desire for change far more than the 70-some-year-old McCain, but that equation wains with each Hillary attack or chance for ill-informed misspeak without proper coaching.
UPDATE:
I'm not sure the 9 point margin really lends favour to either perspective i discussed. There seemed to be particular regional issues for Obama from what I'm reading, and the issues of spending and ground organization will have played a large factor. Mr. Obama clearly has the money, and evidently not the machine -- the opposite can be said for Ms. Clinton. Those factors aside, another interesting factor arose: voters who named the economy as their top issue in exit polls voted strongly (56 to 44 per cent) in favour of Clinton. Considering Obama lost Pittsburgh and almost all of the rest of rural Penn., I'd say he needs to bring forth, or at least passionately express an economic plan before Indiana to have a hope of scoring a decisive win there. His straight talk has fallen on deaf ears in manufacturing America.
Sunday, April 20, 2008
Into the wild: a preamble to some grand thoughts, I'm sure
Watched Into the Wild this weekend.
First off, what an incredible story ... the fact that it was based on a real-life story showed in the shining development of the main character and the salient notations of the sister. Life is strange and wonderful.
I was deeply affected by and related strongly to this movie. A week ago I sat perched atop a cliff overlooking the Jasper-area valley and felt, I believe, the same thrill as Chris would have: an unsullied sense of personal achievement, which also serves to make the view rewarding and satisfying you couldn't find without the work of climbing.
Yet, sitting there, I found myself in the exact same paradox as Chris found himself prior to his death (no, I was not contemplating jumping ... would have done the trick from that height, though): seeing this gorgeous view and indulging the feeling it induced, but wanting so much to share what I could see. I took a picture at that moment, and some have told me that the view looks amazing. Yet, I know that there's little sensation behind that mention.
Yet, I have climbed mountains with people before and found myself feeling isolated from their perspective: I think it is truly an individual experience, standing on top of a mountain. So, why the yearning?
I can fully picture sitting atop a peak with a best friend or significant other, but imagine that, at the moment, one dynamic would take precedence: the relationship between me and the other person, or relation between me and the environment. Which would take you? Truly telling of person.
Expect thoughts on the answer soon.
First off, what an incredible story ... the fact that it was based on a real-life story showed in the shining development of the main character and the salient notations of the sister. Life is strange and wonderful.
I was deeply affected by and related strongly to this movie. A week ago I sat perched atop a cliff overlooking the Jasper-area valley and felt, I believe, the same thrill as Chris would have: an unsullied sense of personal achievement, which also serves to make the view rewarding and satisfying you couldn't find without the work of climbing.
Yet, sitting there, I found myself in the exact same paradox as Chris found himself prior to his death (no, I was not contemplating jumping ... would have done the trick from that height, though): seeing this gorgeous view and indulging the feeling it induced, but wanting so much to share what I could see. I took a picture at that moment, and some have told me that the view looks amazing. Yet, I know that there's little sensation behind that mention.
Yet, I have climbed mountains with people before and found myself feeling isolated from their perspective: I think it is truly an individual experience, standing on top of a mountain. So, why the yearning?
I can fully picture sitting atop a peak with a best friend or significant other, but imagine that, at the moment, one dynamic would take precedence: the relationship between me and the other person, or relation between me and the environment. Which would take you? Truly telling of person.
Expect thoughts on the answer soon.
Labels:
individuality,
nature,
the wild
Tuesday, November 13, 2007
Big Love for civility
For those of you deprived of well-written television (which should be nearly everyone, from well before the writers went on strike), you have to check out an HBO show called Big Love.
The series follows the trials and tribs of a polygamist family living in secret in the suburbs of a city in Utah.
The show is socially insightful in a way similar to All in the Family: it takes taboo subjects and throws them on screen for you with all their beauty and ugliness in full view.
Of course, having to hide their lifestyle is a constant source of conflict in the series. Everyone the family runs into has an opinion (keep in mind, the show is set in the Mormon state with its sorted history with polygamy). Some are certainly ready, willing, and aching to expose any polygamist they see. However, the vast majority seem to disapprove, but take a "stay out of the bedroom" approach when they come into direct contact with a family.
A sentiment bubbles that could feed a witch-hunt, but never seems to boil over.
Rather, people seem content to shove things back under the carpet when they slip out. This is far from a genuine or honest approach, but it keeps the peace.
To me, this is an expression of citizenship.
People take pains daily to simply avoid making themselves uncomfortable. But the show expresses a logic behind letting polygamy be, so long as its not abusive (most reported and prosecuted polygamy cases have come to light because of accusations of abuse first.) Every citizen of a community, be it a religious or civic one, has an interest in maintaining civility and peace.
The vast majority are not polygamists and wouldn’t suffer if they were all arrested. Most are against polygamy. However, tolerance is maintained because it is a tone that permeates all the interactions between citizens in their community.
In the face of this notion I consider what the Harper government’s latest move to leave a Canadian death row inmate in the U.S. hanging (or stuck with a lethal needle.)
We have arrived at a day, it seems, when the politicisation of our citizenship is clear and present.
The decision has either, knowing Harper’s penchant for strategizing, a vote-winning (or solidifying) intention or is driven by pure ideology.
Ronald Allen’s crimes have already been committed. He will not walk free in any case. This is not an issue of safety, but rather of ideology.
We have known, like the citizens of the community in Big Love, that attacking individuals hardly leads to peace and civility. Law, ruled by angry mobs attacking this cause or that, leaves everyone unsure of what is sacred and what one can expect.
Harper’s move has let a populist (though not very popular according to polls) sentiment that would like to see murderers killed by a state rule at the cost of the sanctity of our citizenship.
Canada is known to embrace stands, like those in favour of gay marriage, that may not be supported by mass opinion but stand nonetheless for inalienable rights.
The citizens of Utah in Big Love have embraced that same notion of maintaining civility. Yet, we let ours go. Let the witch-hunts begin.
The series follows the trials and tribs of a polygamist family living in secret in the suburbs of a city in Utah.
The show is socially insightful in a way similar to All in the Family: it takes taboo subjects and throws them on screen for you with all their beauty and ugliness in full view.
Of course, having to hide their lifestyle is a constant source of conflict in the series. Everyone the family runs into has an opinion (keep in mind, the show is set in the Mormon state with its sorted history with polygamy). Some are certainly ready, willing, and aching to expose any polygamist they see. However, the vast majority seem to disapprove, but take a "stay out of the bedroom" approach when they come into direct contact with a family.
A sentiment bubbles that could feed a witch-hunt, but never seems to boil over.
Rather, people seem content to shove things back under the carpet when they slip out. This is far from a genuine or honest approach, but it keeps the peace.
To me, this is an expression of citizenship.
People take pains daily to simply avoid making themselves uncomfortable. But the show expresses a logic behind letting polygamy be, so long as its not abusive (most reported and prosecuted polygamy cases have come to light because of accusations of abuse first.) Every citizen of a community, be it a religious or civic one, has an interest in maintaining civility and peace.
The vast majority are not polygamists and wouldn’t suffer if they were all arrested. Most are against polygamy. However, tolerance is maintained because it is a tone that permeates all the interactions between citizens in their community.
In the face of this notion I consider what the Harper government’s latest move to leave a Canadian death row inmate in the U.S. hanging (or stuck with a lethal needle.)
We have arrived at a day, it seems, when the politicisation of our citizenship is clear and present.
The decision has either, knowing Harper’s penchant for strategizing, a vote-winning (or solidifying) intention or is driven by pure ideology.
Ronald Allen’s crimes have already been committed. He will not walk free in any case. This is not an issue of safety, but rather of ideology.
We have known, like the citizens of the community in Big Love, that attacking individuals hardly leads to peace and civility. Law, ruled by angry mobs attacking this cause or that, leaves everyone unsure of what is sacred and what one can expect.
Harper’s move has let a populist (though not very popular according to polls) sentiment that would like to see murderers killed by a state rule at the cost of the sanctity of our citizenship.
Canada is known to embrace stands, like those in favour of gay marriage, that may not be supported by mass opinion but stand nonetheless for inalienable rights.
The citizens of Utah in Big Love have embraced that same notion of maintaining civility. Yet, we let ours go. Let the witch-hunts begin.
Thursday, November 1, 2007
Harper's halloween costume

I think Steve would’ve looked rad and fit well as Caesar Commodus. Quotes from the venerable character:
Gracchus: But the Senate IS the people, sire. Chosen from AMONG the people. To speak FOR the people.
Commodus: I doubt if any of the people eat so well as you, Gracchus. Or have such splendid mistresses, Gaius.
Commodus: I think I understand my own people.
Gracchus: Then perhaps Caesar will be so good as to teach us, out of his own extensive experience?
Commodus: I call it love, Gracchus. The people are my children, I am their father. I shall hold them to my bosom and embrace them tightly...
Gracchus: Have you ever embraced someone dying of plague, sire?
Commodus: No, but if you interrupt me again, I assure you that you will.
Commodus: The Senate? all they do is talk…Rome is an empire; it needs an empiror.
All hail Caesar Harper.
Seriously, Steve, put on a bloody costume. You should know by now that your whole robot image (would’ve also been swell if he had dressed as a robot) needs to be shed if you want a shot at your majority. The press corpse was expecting you to shake hands with the little trick or treaters. Even Laureen dug into the face paint.
Mind you, I understand his hesitance. We all know how well his cowboy get-up went over.
With files from the Internet Movie Database
Wednesday, October 31, 2007
A GST Alternative
Credit to Andrew Coyne for inspiring this idea with his stand in favour of carbon taxes.
Now that Canada is headed toward a 5 per cent GST, is there any turning back? What political player would be able to pass a straight-up GST increase and survive? What circumstance would allow that rabbit to pull out of the hat? Here's a hypothetical that should probably never be played out, but highlights an unusual but perhaps useful direction.
Stephane Dion and the Globe’s 20 surveyed prominent economists have panned the move. The sense is simple: in a hot economy, we don't need to directly stimulate spending with a sales tax cut. Income tax reductions clearly give people more flexibility with their money.
Ignoring the income that it generates for the government, the GST is a useful policy tool for tempering the Canadian economy. Boot it down if you see a recession coming on, kick it up to encourage people to save. In tandem with incentives, it could allow effective market adjustment.
Personal taxes, on the other hand, do not seem as useful. If anything, jumps between brackets encourage people on the margins to turn down higher paying job offers for fear of simply paying more to the government. In a knowledge economy, this is deadly.
Considering the GST is much more useful, why don’t we shift the balance: lets jack up the GST and dump all those savings into deep income tax slashes.
I’m talking significant cuts. Each GST point is worth about $5.5 billion to government coffers. Considering the government took in $134 billion in personal and corporate income taxes in 2005/6, a boost to a10% GST from five would afford a 21 per cent tax reduction across the board, without any distribution to favour lower tax brackets in the reduction.
Imagine keeping one more dollar for every five you pay out. The GST on that $5 would only be 50 cents. Consider the extra burden shifted onto prices for big-ticket items.
Plus, a 10 per cent tax would have more room for effective adjustment. If you reduce the current tax by say, 3 points, to eat up the budget surplus, you are reducing it by 50 per cent (more once the 5 per cent reduction kicks in). Even varying it by fractions of points on an ongoing basis (similar to adjusting the Bank of Canada overnight rate) would allow the government to help fine tune the economy and ward off recessions.
It would, as well, be a nearly irresistible incentive to save and invest, for both business and individuals. Canada is sorely lacking right now on both fronts.
Certain sectors, including the auto and housing industries, could well suffer under the higher GST as people may, at least temporarily, cut back on big spending. The law of diminishing returns suggests that the 10th tax point would not bring in as much as the 5th or 6th. However, we are on strong fiscal footing without the increase, and well placed to further cut income taxes or offer relief for specific industries.
Now that Canada is headed toward a 5 per cent GST, is there any turning back? What political player would be able to pass a straight-up GST increase and survive? What circumstance would allow that rabbit to pull out of the hat? Here's a hypothetical that should probably never be played out, but highlights an unusual but perhaps useful direction.
Stephane Dion and the Globe’s 20 surveyed prominent economists have panned the move. The sense is simple: in a hot economy, we don't need to directly stimulate spending with a sales tax cut. Income tax reductions clearly give people more flexibility with their money.
Ignoring the income that it generates for the government, the GST is a useful policy tool for tempering the Canadian economy. Boot it down if you see a recession coming on, kick it up to encourage people to save. In tandem with incentives, it could allow effective market adjustment.
Personal taxes, on the other hand, do not seem as useful. If anything, jumps between brackets encourage people on the margins to turn down higher paying job offers for fear of simply paying more to the government. In a knowledge economy, this is deadly.
Considering the GST is much more useful, why don’t we shift the balance: lets jack up the GST and dump all those savings into deep income tax slashes.
I’m talking significant cuts. Each GST point is worth about $5.5 billion to government coffers. Considering the government took in $134 billion in personal and corporate income taxes in 2005/6, a boost to a10% GST from five would afford a 21 per cent tax reduction across the board, without any distribution to favour lower tax brackets in the reduction.
Imagine keeping one more dollar for every five you pay out. The GST on that $5 would only be 50 cents. Consider the extra burden shifted onto prices for big-ticket items.
Plus, a 10 per cent tax would have more room for effective adjustment. If you reduce the current tax by say, 3 points, to eat up the budget surplus, you are reducing it by 50 per cent (more once the 5 per cent reduction kicks in). Even varying it by fractions of points on an ongoing basis (similar to adjusting the Bank of Canada overnight rate) would allow the government to help fine tune the economy and ward off recessions.
It would, as well, be a nearly irresistible incentive to save and invest, for both business and individuals. Canada is sorely lacking right now on both fronts.
Certain sectors, including the auto and housing industries, could well suffer under the higher GST as people may, at least temporarily, cut back on big spending. The law of diminishing returns suggests that the 10th tax point would not bring in as much as the 5th or 6th. However, we are on strong fiscal footing without the increase, and well placed to further cut income taxes or offer relief for specific industries.
Tuesday, October 30, 2007
Long-needed royalty rework requires too much, too late
A column from the Oct. 29 edition of The Hinton Parklander:
It has become easier to understand why such a ruckus awaited the Oct. 25 announcement of a new royalty regime for Alberta.
An earthquake occurs when built up pressure is released in a snap, shaking everything within a wide distance.
I won’t resort to Liberal leader Kevin Taft’s tired dramatics in saying that waiting seven years to rework royalties amounts to “the most expensive scandal in Canadian history.” But, it is clear that Albertans have suffered from Ralph Klein’s mismanagement of royalties.
You can hear Klein’s frank voice asking why we are complaining, since the vast majority of us have jobs and Alberta is the wealthiest per capita province in the country. Heck, he even sent us all cheques. The credit for making our province rich lies with the corporations that ate the risks, but mostly with the international market and the high price of oil. No rock bottom royalty rate ever equalled the stimulating power of a $90 barrel of oil.
Klein didn’t get in the way, but he hardly paved it. There’s a tremendous infrastructure, human resource and social deficit that today holds back rather than helps industry. Yes, he paid off the debt and kept taxes low, but other oil-wealthy countries managed to amass hundreds of billions of dollars in their reserve funds during the same period. This province has enough money on hand that we should not have to face make-or-break decision between massive job losses and fair economic rent on resources shows.
By ignoring frequent calls from his top bureaucrats and stifled political opposition to slowly adjust royalty rates, Klein has tied Ed Stelmach’s hands in that he cannot raise royalties to a proper level without paying deep economic costs.
Though it hasn’t become clear in the public debate, the real issue with the royalty hike is not the price increase so much as its scale.
Any successful businessperson understands that escalating costs are a reality of the business world, and they plan accordingly. However, few businesses can sustain a 20 per cent increase all at once. It would have been responsible and business-minded for Klein to slowly and reasonably raise royalties over years within a smarter framework and reinvest those extra dollars directly in infrastructure. Improved road and rail access, smartly planned communities, and suitable healthcare and housing are assets to business. A business grows slowly with its profits, and so should the government’s services to those profit motors.
Instead, we face corporate backlash while we sit without many of the infrastructure and service improvements that a smart business plan could have afforded.
I applaud Premier Stelmach for his measured response, especially in considering the needs of the deep well gas industry, but even his good management will not make up for seven wasted years.
Sadly and ironically, Albertans voted for Klein in droves; voter beware.
Please direct questions or comments to richard@hintonparklander.com
It has become easier to understand why such a ruckus awaited the Oct. 25 announcement of a new royalty regime for Alberta.
An earthquake occurs when built up pressure is released in a snap, shaking everything within a wide distance.
I won’t resort to Liberal leader Kevin Taft’s tired dramatics in saying that waiting seven years to rework royalties amounts to “the most expensive scandal in Canadian history.” But, it is clear that Albertans have suffered from Ralph Klein’s mismanagement of royalties.
You can hear Klein’s frank voice asking why we are complaining, since the vast majority of us have jobs and Alberta is the wealthiest per capita province in the country. Heck, he even sent us all cheques. The credit for making our province rich lies with the corporations that ate the risks, but mostly with the international market and the high price of oil. No rock bottom royalty rate ever equalled the stimulating power of a $90 barrel of oil.
Klein didn’t get in the way, but he hardly paved it. There’s a tremendous infrastructure, human resource and social deficit that today holds back rather than helps industry. Yes, he paid off the debt and kept taxes low, but other oil-wealthy countries managed to amass hundreds of billions of dollars in their reserve funds during the same period. This province has enough money on hand that we should not have to face make-or-break decision between massive job losses and fair economic rent on resources shows.
By ignoring frequent calls from his top bureaucrats and stifled political opposition to slowly adjust royalty rates, Klein has tied Ed Stelmach’s hands in that he cannot raise royalties to a proper level without paying deep economic costs.
Though it hasn’t become clear in the public debate, the real issue with the royalty hike is not the price increase so much as its scale.
Any successful businessperson understands that escalating costs are a reality of the business world, and they plan accordingly. However, few businesses can sustain a 20 per cent increase all at once. It would have been responsible and business-minded for Klein to slowly and reasonably raise royalties over years within a smarter framework and reinvest those extra dollars directly in infrastructure. Improved road and rail access, smartly planned communities, and suitable healthcare and housing are assets to business. A business grows slowly with its profits, and so should the government’s services to those profit motors.
Instead, we face corporate backlash while we sit without many of the infrastructure and service improvements that a smart business plan could have afforded.
I applaud Premier Stelmach for his measured response, especially in considering the needs of the deep well gas industry, but even his good management will not make up for seven wasted years.
Sadly and ironically, Albertans voted for Klein in droves; voter beware.
Please direct questions or comments to richard@hintonparklander.com
The lie and the allowance
A column from the March 1, 2007 edition of The Uniter
"I firmly believe that the goal I laid out---that Americans will use 20 per cent less gasoline over the next 10 years---is going to be achieved, and here's living proof of how we're going to get there," said George Bush after sticking his head under the hood of an electric-powered SUV parked on the White House lawn, the Associated Press reported this week. This is the much-maligned George W. Bush, former oilman and governor of Texas, talking about alternative fuels in this fashion, talking about the goal he set during his state of the union address.
Granted, weaning America off its dependence on unstable Middle-Eastern and socialist Latin American oil is driving the legislative agenda on alternative fuels more so than some environmental furor; but there are some even more powerful and surprising allies of green economic measures surfacing in the US, namely some large corporations.
The United States Climate Action Partnership, a seemingly unholy union of General Electric (technology, media and finance), Dupont (chemicals), Alcoa (aluminum miner), BP America (oil and gas), Caterpillar (industrial vehicles), along with a few of America's largest electric companies and environmental groups took the message directly to President Bush earlier this month, calling for strict and immediate emissions caps across all large industrial sectors. These corporations, ones that take the lead in pressing for and implementing efficiency standards, are expected to advance and profit in their markets for getting on the reduction bandwagon early.
Painful as it is, I have to look to Kyoto-renegade U.S. for examples of meaningful and significant political dialogue on climate change and the economy. Why? Because Canada is seeing nothing of the sort.
Our politicians, and the daily media covering them, threaten to falsely disassociate environmental action and economic robustness; for all I hear, every ounce of CO2 taken out of the air costs one job. For those who'd believe, and especially the ones that push this acidic misunderstanding, there's some reading you should do.
Last November, Macleans magazine published a sizable article covering a major report from the Conference Board of Canada (the same group whose report calling for free trade between Canada and the US preceded the signing of the FTA, later NAFTA), a damning report that exposes our economy as a mere empty shell.
Indeed, Canada is enjoying low unemployment and low inflation. Currency, and corporate profits, has hit record levels across a number of sectors, and federal surpluses have hit the double digit billions. However, don't be fooled. Even though Canadians work some of the longest hours and take the least vacation time in the world, we are falling behind in our productivity. The big issue: efficiency. Though our raw amount of export has gone up since the mid 1990s, overall, we produce less and make less per unit of input, be that your extra hours of work or pounds of metal we dig out of the boreal forest.
That inefficiency is forcing us to work longer hours and carve up our planet more than needed, but it is also grossly failing to maintain our prosperous status. According to The IMF's September World Economic Outlook, 135 other countries' economies will grow faster than ours in 2007. Our gross domestic product (a measure of how much goods and services we produce) is still among the eight largest in the world, meaning we still punch with the big fellows in the G8 power group of developed countries. As the Macleans article says, though, "Spain, Mexico and Brazil gaining fast, our place at the G8 table is increasingly more symbol than substance. (The Spanish media has been openly advocating that they should replace us in the G8.)"
As young people, we should be crapping our pants. If this trend continues, we'll be working 80 hours a week to make half as much as those slackers in more profitable and efficient countries. So, what's they key to making sure we'll have more than two days vacation per year? The report suggests that we follow the lead of countries like Norway, Ireland, the Netherlands and Denmark, all of whom have long embraced environmental sustainability as a cardinal rule, all of whom are enjoying fantastic growth and rising incomes and standards of living, working fewer hours and pumping less CO2 into our air.
Now, instead of getting real with our sagging economic potential before we run out of oil and beg for international economic support, we are busy hacking back and forth over the golden word: Kyoto.
Its funny that the United States, a non-signatory on the international greenhouse gas pact, has seen some great progress, with certain states catching on to the economic opportunity presented in a green economy---opportunities so clear that massive oil companies like Royal Dutch Shell are drafting energy efficiency and alternative fuels plans. The formula is simple: reducing green house gasses forces you to invent better technology and cut wasteful use of precious resources. More university graduates are employed producing those technologies, and we hack up the earth less because we don't need as much fresh oil, metal, etc. Better yet, you export these technologies to less advanced economies like China and India that don't have the educational and research capacities we do; we make money off of that too, while helping to green those countries. Sounds like the best deal since the Uniter office got a free Red Bull fridge.
New Liberal leader St phane Dion ran on essentially this exact platform during the recent Liberal Leadership. However, he's since been a poor advocate for his cause by focusing his criticism solely on meeting Kyoto targets. The Kyoto protocol, in the end, is only useful because it forces fat and wasteful countries like ours, who use huge amounts of energy per person, to go to the economic gym and back away from the resource buffet. Yet, the Liberal party has been busy using Kyoto targets as a political wedge (fruitlessly, I might add), not questioning the government on its lack of economic foresight in refusing tough measures demanding transformative economic change. Previous Liberal governments under Jean Chr tien and Paul Martin shared the same lack of green economic vision, and perhaps the grand old party's caucus needs some more time to get with it.
The NDP, who arguably and logically may have the best environmental platform (never being scared to stick it to corporations as they are), are trying to come up with some new pamphlet points for next election on how much they affect legislation in the House. Sitting down with the Conservatives to redraft the half-hearted Clean Air Act is a dangerous liaison, as the current document doesn't even address economic remodeling. It will take nothing short of a miracle to beef up the bill to that point, and supporting anything less will be a sellout of the worst kind: purely political.
The Conservatives, environmental Johnny-come-latelies I firmly believe that the goal I laid out---that Americans will use 20 per cent less gasoline over the next 10 years lies and authors of roundly denounced, toothless greenhouse gas legislation, are up to some tricky and sinister business. Perhaps because they are new to the whole belief in climate change, they are still shouting that any significant green house gas reduction in the short and medium term come at the costs of jobs, threatening the crippling of our economy.
"I want to see greenhouse gas emissions reduced, with a growing economy at the same time," Environment Minister John Baird said earlier this month, quoted in the Toronto Star. Prime Minister Stephen Harper is quoted as saying, "As economic policy, the Kyoto Accord is a disaster," in a 2002 speech. They cite job losses in current industries, but fail to account for job creation as new industries arise, ones that pay higher wages. Many powerful and successful CEOs understand the faultiness of Harper's logic, but the national media doesn't have the same affliction of knowledge or care.
Aside from a rash of feature articles dealing with Kyoto and dire predictions of perfect storms and beach-bound polar bears, the day-to-day coverage of the Kyoto debate rarely gathers opposing opinion from groups like the EXCEL Partnership, Canada's answer to the United States Climate Change Partnership; EXCEL's membership includes Canadian miner Teck Cominko and Alberta oil powerhouse EnCana, along with two large environmental groups. In a time where the opposition parties are dropping the ball, we need the national media to step up with some insightful coverage. Politics has always included much that doesn't happen on Parliament Hill, a simple bit of wisdom that national reporters are not grasping in this debate. If politicians alone define the public debate, we are failing as a democracy.
As young people, we suffer the most harm from the sham climate change debate. Just as earlier action on greenhouse gas reduction by the previous Liberal government would have made our lives easier now, delayed action and economic scare-mongering threaten to put us further behind in the race to the pot of sustainability gold at the end of the Kyoto rainbow. We'll be the ones living in a substandard, outdated economy if the Harper economic outlook prevails. We need to put old stereotypes about business, politicians and the populace aside and look boldly at the economic opportunity in front of us, lest we become the resource warehouse of the world, and get paid like stock boys.
"I firmly believe that the goal I laid out---that Americans will use 20 per cent less gasoline over the next 10 years---is going to be achieved, and here's living proof of how we're going to get there," said George Bush after sticking his head under the hood of an electric-powered SUV parked on the White House lawn, the Associated Press reported this week. This is the much-maligned George W. Bush, former oilman and governor of Texas, talking about alternative fuels in this fashion, talking about the goal he set during his state of the union address.
Granted, weaning America off its dependence on unstable Middle-Eastern and socialist Latin American oil is driving the legislative agenda on alternative fuels more so than some environmental furor; but there are some even more powerful and surprising allies of green economic measures surfacing in the US, namely some large corporations.
The United States Climate Action Partnership, a seemingly unholy union of General Electric (technology, media and finance), Dupont (chemicals), Alcoa (aluminum miner), BP America (oil and gas), Caterpillar (industrial vehicles), along with a few of America's largest electric companies and environmental groups took the message directly to President Bush earlier this month, calling for strict and immediate emissions caps across all large industrial sectors. These corporations, ones that take the lead in pressing for and implementing efficiency standards, are expected to advance and profit in their markets for getting on the reduction bandwagon early.
Painful as it is, I have to look to Kyoto-renegade U.S. for examples of meaningful and significant political dialogue on climate change and the economy. Why? Because Canada is seeing nothing of the sort.
Our politicians, and the daily media covering them, threaten to falsely disassociate environmental action and economic robustness; for all I hear, every ounce of CO2 taken out of the air costs one job. For those who'd believe, and especially the ones that push this acidic misunderstanding, there's some reading you should do.
Last November, Macleans magazine published a sizable article covering a major report from the Conference Board of Canada (the same group whose report calling for free trade between Canada and the US preceded the signing of the FTA, later NAFTA), a damning report that exposes our economy as a mere empty shell.
Indeed, Canada is enjoying low unemployment and low inflation. Currency, and corporate profits, has hit record levels across a number of sectors, and federal surpluses have hit the double digit billions. However, don't be fooled. Even though Canadians work some of the longest hours and take the least vacation time in the world, we are falling behind in our productivity. The big issue: efficiency. Though our raw amount of export has gone up since the mid 1990s, overall, we produce less and make less per unit of input, be that your extra hours of work or pounds of metal we dig out of the boreal forest.
That inefficiency is forcing us to work longer hours and carve up our planet more than needed, but it is also grossly failing to maintain our prosperous status. According to The IMF's September World Economic Outlook, 135 other countries' economies will grow faster than ours in 2007. Our gross domestic product (a measure of how much goods and services we produce) is still among the eight largest in the world, meaning we still punch with the big fellows in the G8 power group of developed countries. As the Macleans article says, though, "Spain, Mexico and Brazil gaining fast, our place at the G8 table is increasingly more symbol than substance. (The Spanish media has been openly advocating that they should replace us in the G8.)"
As young people, we should be crapping our pants. If this trend continues, we'll be working 80 hours a week to make half as much as those slackers in more profitable and efficient countries. So, what's they key to making sure we'll have more than two days vacation per year? The report suggests that we follow the lead of countries like Norway, Ireland, the Netherlands and Denmark, all of whom have long embraced environmental sustainability as a cardinal rule, all of whom are enjoying fantastic growth and rising incomes and standards of living, working fewer hours and pumping less CO2 into our air.
Now, instead of getting real with our sagging economic potential before we run out of oil and beg for international economic support, we are busy hacking back and forth over the golden word: Kyoto.
Its funny that the United States, a non-signatory on the international greenhouse gas pact, has seen some great progress, with certain states catching on to the economic opportunity presented in a green economy---opportunities so clear that massive oil companies like Royal Dutch Shell are drafting energy efficiency and alternative fuels plans. The formula is simple: reducing green house gasses forces you to invent better technology and cut wasteful use of precious resources. More university graduates are employed producing those technologies, and we hack up the earth less because we don't need as much fresh oil, metal, etc. Better yet, you export these technologies to less advanced economies like China and India that don't have the educational and research capacities we do; we make money off of that too, while helping to green those countries. Sounds like the best deal since the Uniter office got a free Red Bull fridge.
New Liberal leader St phane Dion ran on essentially this exact platform during the recent Liberal Leadership. However, he's since been a poor advocate for his cause by focusing his criticism solely on meeting Kyoto targets. The Kyoto protocol, in the end, is only useful because it forces fat and wasteful countries like ours, who use huge amounts of energy per person, to go to the economic gym and back away from the resource buffet. Yet, the Liberal party has been busy using Kyoto targets as a political wedge (fruitlessly, I might add), not questioning the government on its lack of economic foresight in refusing tough measures demanding transformative economic change. Previous Liberal governments under Jean Chr tien and Paul Martin shared the same lack of green economic vision, and perhaps the grand old party's caucus needs some more time to get with it.
The NDP, who arguably and logically may have the best environmental platform (never being scared to stick it to corporations as they are), are trying to come up with some new pamphlet points for next election on how much they affect legislation in the House. Sitting down with the Conservatives to redraft the half-hearted Clean Air Act is a dangerous liaison, as the current document doesn't even address economic remodeling. It will take nothing short of a miracle to beef up the bill to that point, and supporting anything less will be a sellout of the worst kind: purely political.
The Conservatives, environmental Johnny-come-latelies I firmly believe that the goal I laid out---that Americans will use 20 per cent less gasoline over the next 10 years lies and authors of roundly denounced, toothless greenhouse gas legislation, are up to some tricky and sinister business. Perhaps because they are new to the whole belief in climate change, they are still shouting that any significant green house gas reduction in the short and medium term come at the costs of jobs, threatening the crippling of our economy.
"I want to see greenhouse gas emissions reduced, with a growing economy at the same time," Environment Minister John Baird said earlier this month, quoted in the Toronto Star. Prime Minister Stephen Harper is quoted as saying, "As economic policy, the Kyoto Accord is a disaster," in a 2002 speech. They cite job losses in current industries, but fail to account for job creation as new industries arise, ones that pay higher wages. Many powerful and successful CEOs understand the faultiness of Harper's logic, but the national media doesn't have the same affliction of knowledge or care.
Aside from a rash of feature articles dealing with Kyoto and dire predictions of perfect storms and beach-bound polar bears, the day-to-day coverage of the Kyoto debate rarely gathers opposing opinion from groups like the EXCEL Partnership, Canada's answer to the United States Climate Change Partnership; EXCEL's membership includes Canadian miner Teck Cominko and Alberta oil powerhouse EnCana, along with two large environmental groups. In a time where the opposition parties are dropping the ball, we need the national media to step up with some insightful coverage. Politics has always included much that doesn't happen on Parliament Hill, a simple bit of wisdom that national reporters are not grasping in this debate. If politicians alone define the public debate, we are failing as a democracy.
As young people, we suffer the most harm from the sham climate change debate. Just as earlier action on greenhouse gas reduction by the previous Liberal government would have made our lives easier now, delayed action and economic scare-mongering threaten to put us further behind in the race to the pot of sustainability gold at the end of the Kyoto rainbow. We'll be the ones living in a substandard, outdated economy if the Harper economic outlook prevails. We need to put old stereotypes about business, politicians and the populace aside and look boldly at the economic opportunity in front of us, lest we become the resource warehouse of the world, and get paid like stock boys.
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